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The Nijmegen Local History Project
The Local History Foundation was established in 1999 on the initiative of Numaga with
the aim of producing an integral history of Nijmegen over the 2000 years of its existence.
To that end, the foundation co-operates with the Nijmegen municipal authorities, the Arts
Faculty of Nijmegen University and the Numaga Association. If you are interested in what
Numaga's chairman Jan Brabers wrote about this project and what he said about it at the
start of the foundation, click here
(in Dutch only).
The history of Nijmegen was published in 2005.
Nijmegen, Geschiedenis van de oudste stad van Nederland (Nijmegen, a history of the
oldest city of the Netherlands)
3 volumes, rijk geïllustreerd, 1500 pagina's,
Vol. 1: Prehistorie en Oudheid. Redactie: dr. W.J.H. Willemsen
Vol. 2: Middeleeuwen. Redactie: dr. J.Kuys; Nieuwe Tijd. Redactie: prof.dr.J.Bots
Vol. 3: Negentiende en Twintigste eeuw. Redactie: dr. J.Brabers
price € 85,-
ISBN 90 6611 230 1, published by uitgeverij Inmerc, Wormer
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Nijmegen, Prehistorie en Oudheid |
Nijmegen, Middeleeuwen en Nieuwe Tijd |
Nijmegen, Negentiende en Twintigste eeuw |
At the end of 2002 the Foundation published Voorschot op de Nijmeegse
Stadsgeschiedenis (Towards a Nijmegen Local History) which contains a number of
articles by historians contributing to the eventual book. These articles may give the
reader an impression of what is to come. Two of these articles, which, meanwhile, have
appeared in the regional The Gelderlander paper can be found on this page: an article by
Jan Kuys on some turbulent weeks in the Nijmegen history: The Siege
of Nijmegen in 1473, and an article by Maarten Hageman about the Nijmegen municipality in the second half of the 16th century.
The Nijmegen municipality in the second half of the
sixteenth century: An Elite Company in Turbulent Times
Maarten Hageman
We live in a time full of buzz words like political- and governmental reform. The
debate takes place in public administration circles, in political parties, at universities
and polytechnics, in 'the media' and, of course, at weddings and birthday parties. In
these discussions 'The Hague'(as the seat of the Dutch government) is said to have lost
touch with the population. Politicians are accused of ruling class behaviour and
undemocratic (so called "back room") decision making. The spoiled career
administrators, loving their cushy jobs, are said to represent first and foremost
themselves, to the detriment of the much needed flow of new talent and ideas. The result
of all this, so the national man in the street will tell you, is general discontent among
the masses. People do not feel that the abstract public debate about a multicultural,
caring or just society concerns them. They are left with concrete questions about safety,
health, mobility, housing and employment. Part of this discussion already became manifest
quite some time ago when it mainly focused on local government. The low turnout at local
elections gave policymakers among the accursed The Hague clique something to think about.
After years of discussion in which almost all the (social) administrative bodies in the
Dutch "consensus polder" were given a say, the 7th of March 2002 saw a drastic,
be it provisional, result in the taking effect of the new Law on Dualism in Local
Government. The idea is that in the long run this dualism will make local politics
recognisable again to the average voter. The new law aims at separating the
responsibilities of the municipal council on the one hand, and the Mayor and his/her
aldermen on the other. Aldermen no longer have a seat in the council, and together with
the Mayor they mainly concentrate on administering the local community. The Council will
concentrate on its main tasks: representing community interests, drawing policy outlines
and monitoring the administration. The Council will be central in the local political
arena as the focal point of local democracy, which is meant to regain its impetus and
vitality. In these discussions a certain number of core concepts recur again and again:
public involvement, 'the political establishment', the unimpeded flow of new political
talent, the representative function of politicians, the transparency and monitoring of
politics and, on a local level, the appointment, or rather election, of the Mayor. All of
these issues are very topical, but perhaps they are of less recent date than they seem. A
little excursion into a relatively unknown chapter of Nijmegen's administrative history
may serve to illustrate this.
 Nijmegen
in the second half of the 16th century (Print from the atlas by G. Braun and F. Hogenberg,
Cologne, 1595, in the Valkhof Museum. Click on the image to see an enlargement).
Our period of study is the second half of the sixteenth century, perhaps the most
dramatic period in Nijmegen's history. During this period Nijmegen was severely challenged
by drastic political, social-economic and religious change.
In 1543 Charles V took possession of the duchy of Guelre. At that moment the "Free
Imperial City" of Nijmegen was still the proud and stubborn centre of this
independent principality. Nijmegen enjoyed an exceptionally autonomous position in Guelre,
thanks to its political and economic power, privileges and freedoms. But barely fifty
years later Nijmegen's independence was over. After count Maurits' occupation in 1591 the
town lost its right to appoint its own municipal council and judiciary. In that same
period Nijmegen lost its central position as transit port to Germany, traditionally its
main source of wealth. There is evidence that from 1550 onwards famine was a more or less
daily phenomenon in the town. At the same time new religious movements saw the light, at
first within the established catholic church, but as from the sixties onwards, also
outside it, this time more radical than before and aiming to set up a new ecclesiastical
organisation. These developments took place during the so called Eighty Years' War. The
Inquisition, the Counter Reformation, the Iconoclastic Fury and the Council of Troubles:
they all left their traces in this turbulent period of Nijmegen's history. There were
regular political coups in the town when city councillors were prematurely dismissed. This
happened, successively, in the year of the Iconoclastic Fury (1566); during the
investigation by the Council of Troubles (1567-1568); and, some years later, when
Nijmegen, for reasons of safety bent on making its peace with King Philips (which happened
in 1585), joined the Union of Utrecht. Lastly, the position of city councillors was
weakened after count Maurits definitively brought the town back into the bosom of the
United Provinces (1591).
How was the municipal council constituted?
In these turbulent days the town council consisted of mayors, aldermen and council
members. Together they formed the Nijmegen Council. The Council comprised 24 seats: twelve
aldermen (amongst whose numbers there were the two mayors) and twelve members. Of course
in the sixteenth century there were no general or direct elections. Only the members of
guilds (called 'ambten'[offices] in the Nijmegen sources) and brotherhoods had any say in
the constitution of the Council, that is to say: 50%, at most, of the male population had
a say in its constitution. In the case of a vacancy, the masters of the guilds and
brotherhoods could propose two candidates on the annual Vetting Day (2nd of January). The
Council itself, with a majority of votes, selected the new member from these two.
Membership was for life. The Nijmegen Vetting Day was meant mainly for the sitting members
of the Council to divide the tasks among themselves for the coming year: who was to be
alderman and, even more important, which two members would be mayors for that year. The
election of the mayors took place in a most ingenious fashion. It consisted of a
combination of voting and drawing lots. At the moment of their appointment a lottery
decided each council member's ranking in a group. All his further career as councillor he
remained a member of this group. There were three groups ('derdedelen'[third parts]). On
the annual Vetting Day the 'derdedeel' whose turn it was had to leave the hall; the
remaining councillors subsequently elected two mayors from the group that had left. Thus
one could only be elected as mayor once every three years. This system prevented the
mayoralty from being held for a long and uninterrupted time by one and the same person.
There was no exterior higher body that could interfere with these elections: the sovereign
(the duke) or his representatives played no part in them. The sovereignty did appoint two
public officers, however, who took care of judicial matters in the town and its
surroundings: the judge and the viscount of Nijmegen. But since the fifteenth century it
had been the custom that only Nijmegen councillors were appointed as judge and viscount.
The Nijmegen Council, in modern terms, thus took care of the administration of justice as
well as the issuing of rules, including the maintenance of same. These functions seem to
be mixed in the sixteenth century. But within the Council the aldermen specifically dealt
with legal matters. They constituted a court of justice: the 'schepenbank'. The judge of
Nijmegen was its chairman. The municipal Council was chaired by the two mayors. They were
undoubtedly the most important governors of the town. They were responsible for the daily
running of the place. They checked on wages, prices, measures, weights, building, city
cleaning etc. The eldest mayor chaired the Council meetings. The Council sat in principle
every Wednesday, but sometimes met in between, on special occasions. On the agenda we find
various topics such as the pricing of foods, public order and safety, the upkeep of public
buildings and streets, the supervision of charities and the appointment of local
officials.
How to become a councillor
In order to qualify as potential member of the Nijmegen Municipal Council one had to
be a distinguished, wealthy and honest citizen. In practice, the Council probably
consisted of wealthy merchants, bargemen and masters of the four great guilds (smiths,
carpenters, tailors and cobblers). In the 1550-1600 period 47% of the councillors were
merchants or bargemen, with a strikingly high number of wine merchants among them (16%).
In addition, we find many noblemen in the Nijmegen Council, like, for instance, the Lords
of respectively, Ubbergen, Gendt, Doornik and Ressen. Again and again, we come across the
names of some distinguished Nijmegen families, like van Berrick, Van den Bergh, Biesman,
Heteren, Kanis, Ridder, Ryswick, Spruit and Van Triest. These families were often related
by intermarriage. Most probably, therefore, the City Council had a rather exclusive and
private character. In spite of this, also new persons managed to enter the Council in the
1543-1591 period. On the annual Vetting Day the City Council appointed one or more new
members in about half the vacancies. The question arises whether there really were only so
few vacancies. Close investigation of the occupation of the seats reveals something
different. There always were plenty of empty seats; the Council appears to have been
permanently undermanned. Mostly, only 19 out of the available 24 seats were formally
occupied. In practice participation in the Council work was even scantier. The judge and
the viscount did not participate in the activities, several of the councillors
continuously failed to appear on account of their advanced years and various other
councillors not living in Nijmegen only seldom put in an appearance in Council meetings.
Within the Council there presumably must have been a kind of nucleus, mainly consisting of
the mayors and the aldermen. The city administration therefore must have rested on a very
narrow basis.
The citizens' involvement
What was the citizens' involvement like in all this? Was there any possibility for
the citizens to have a say in what concerned them, or for them to participate in the
administration? Ever since the beginning of the fifteenth century such involvement of the
community had been organised in the so called 'Sinterclaesguild', a collaboration of all
the masters of the guilds and brotherhoods. The Sinterclaesguild consisted of around 200
members. In the second half of the sixteenth century it was chaired by eight masters. It
was originally mainly meant to check on the Council's finances. The 'Claesmasters',
however, in the course of time started attending the weekly Council meetings and became
valuable discussion partners for the City Council. The masters were even given meeting
facilities, to use a modern term. They formed part of city delegations, acquired a say in
the appointment of new councillors and represented Nijmegen at meetings of the Gueldre
Provincial Convention, the predecessor of the present Provincial Council. About 33% of the
'Claesmasters' managed to become councillors themselves. Thus the power and influence of
the 'Claesmasters' grew. The leaders of the 'Sinterclaesguild' in the course of the
sixteenth century became more or less regular members of the political establishment. This
development probably went to the detriment of the representative and supervisory tasks of
the 'Sinterclaesguild'. The masters of the guilds and brotherhoods regularly voiced
complaints about these developments. They also protested against the understaffing of the
Council. Clearly, the amalgamation of the 'Sinterclaesguild' and the Council sidetracked
the guilds and brotherhoods. Still, the latter were not completely without influence. When
there were politically sensitive issues to be decided the Council consulted the masters,
who received special invitations to meet at the Town Hall. In this way political decisions
were given a public basis. In times of great tension and in emergencies the City Council
sought support by direct consultation with the various districts in the town. Then the so
called 32 deputies from the most important city quarters were convened. This closely
resembles a modern approach in which the Council seeks contact with the inhabitants of the
various quarters of the town, but in those days the council consulted the 32 deputies
probably only for practical reasons. For the local militia was organised via the city
quarters in so called 'hopmanschappen' (captaincies). Especially in emergencies and times
of great need the attitude of the captaincies was of the utmost importance for public
order and safety in the town. For this reason the deputies were convened in 1566, for
instance, when the Iconoclastic Fury raged through the town.
Looking for new forms of government: a perennial problem
All in all, the conclusion is justified that the Nijmegen City Council in the second
half of the sixteenth century was, to put it in contemporary terms, a rather elite, class
ridden and private company, in which it was hard to penetrate from 'down below'. To make
matters worse, the involvement of the community was severely curtailed when its
representatives, the masters of the 'Sinterclaesguild', joined the established political
order. Does this historical development hold any lesson for the present discussion about
governmental and political reform? There is a caveat here. History may be seen as a
treasure hold to fall back on in deciding about our future, but serious historians know
that the past holds only few unequivocal lessons. Everyone may take his pick as he wishes.
Thus one may, with some justification, draw the conclusion that at one time Nijmegen
elected its own mayors through a well balanced system in which talented administrators
alternately were given a chance to hold this office. But it is equally justified to
conclude that in those days the municipal government was firmly in the grip of a small
closed group of persons who passed each other the most attractive jobs, and that this
closed political system could last because the representative role of the Council was not
taken sufficiently seriously and, finally, because there was no higher power that could
crack this oligarchy by means of an autonomous right of appointment. Our little historical
excursion, therefore, is, so I fear, of little practical value. Administrators and policy
advisers who wish to prepare themselves for 'interactive policymaking', 'district
barometers', district aldermen, 'improvement- and opportunity cards' and what not, will
find precious little concrete building blocks in the history of Nijmegen. And there is
nothing in the sources about mayors who continuously move house from one quarter of the
town to the next in order to get in touch with various communities, although it should be
added that the Nijmegen mayors in the sixteenth century probably were wealthy enough to
maintain several houses, inside and outside the town. But even if history cannot teach us
much, it clearly reveals that the present great administrative questions are anything but
unique. Also in the sixteenth century the Nijmegen community protested against the
political establishment. The political changes of power at the time were only indirectly
connected with the well known struggle between those who believed in Spanish rule and
those who were staunchly nationalist in orientation, or between catholics and protestants,
as the school textbooks wish to make us believe. Town councillors were only removed from
office mainly because of general discontent with the way the city was governed. In the
end, count Maurits, in 1591, managed to drastically reorganise the Nijmegen political
system. This intervention from above not only undermined the co-optation system of the
Nijmegen elite, but also put paid to the 'democratic' influence of the guilds,
brotherhoods and the 'Sinterclaesguild'. Our present rulers, therefore have been warned.
They have been so for some time, and if we are not mistaken they are energetically looking
for new, open and recognisable forms of government. Fortunately they do not need
historians to help them do so.
(From: J. Kuys (ed.) Voorschot op de Nijmeegse Stadsgeschiedenis (Towards a
Nijmegen town history), brochure written to sponsor the writing of the Nijmegen town
history, undertaken by the Nijmegen Town History Foundation).
 (Translation: Gerard Willems).
The siege of Nijmegen in the year 1473
Jan Kuys
An endangered city
Since 1465 the duchy of Guelders had been torn by the internal struggle between duke
Arnold (1410-1473 and his son Adolf (1439-1477). The towns and the knighthood sided with
Adolf and the old duke saw no other way than to look for support from the powerful duke of
Burgundy. The latter jumped at the chance to extend his growing influence in the
Netherlands to the duchy of Guelders.
 Father
and son had fallen out with each other to such an extent that Arnold, when he felt his end
approaching, pledged his duchy to Charles the Bold, the duke of Burgundy, in 1472. The
towns of Guelders and the knighthood did not recognise this pledge and refused to accept
Charles the Bold as duke of Guelders after Arnold's demise in 1473. On the contrary, they
wished to inaugurate Adolf as their sovereign, but the latter, for obvious reasons, had
been Charles the Bold's personal prisoner since 1471. Charles the Bold, meanwhile, had no
choice but to occupy the duchy of Guelders with armed force. On the 10th of June 1473 he
left Maastricht and moved north with his army in order to subdue the recalcitrant duchy to
his rule. Important Guelders towns like Roermond, Venlo, Geldern, Straelen and Goch soon
submitted to the Burgundy conquerer. The largest and most powerful town of the duchy was
Nijmegen, the town which had proved the most troublesome opponent of duke Arnold and the
bitterest adversary to Burgundy interference in Guelders's policies in the preceding
years. Therefore, the submission of Nijmegen, in fact, meant the submission of the whole
duchy. It was to be expected that Nijmegen would not submit to the duke of Burgundy
without putting up a fierce fight. The Nijmegen chronicler Willem van Berchen (died 1481),
amongst others, has left us a report of the decisive phase in the Burgundy conquest of
Guelders: the siege of Nijmegen in July 1473.
(Illustration: anonymous woodcut, ca 1500, click on the illustration to get the enlarged
picture)
A town defends itself
The proud Nijmegen population, according to Willem van Berchen, decided to withstand the
invasion and prepared for defence at the approach of the Burgundy forces. Buildings and
other obstacles outside the walls were pulled down indiscriminately in order to prevent
the enemy from using them as cover. Thus the Franciscan monastery Dal van Josaphat and the
Agnietenklooster were destroyed so that the homeless monks and nuns were obliged
to look for shelter within the walls. In the ducal forest large numbers of trees were
felled because timber was badly needed for the strengthening of the walls and city gates.
Shortly before the siege started the municipal authorities declared that those who wished
could leave the city. It was thought that people who could not contribute to the defence
of the town had better leave, the more so as the city councillors feared that these
inhabitants could have a demoralising influence on the defenders. Meant were women,
children, the clergy, nuns, the aged and the sick. In actual fact, many inhabitants fled
with their families.
Van Berchen was of the opinion that the town could very well withstand the siege with its
strong walls and deep and wide moats on its three land sides. The command of the defending
force was laid in the hands of Reinier van Broeckhuysen, a Guelders nationalist, known for
his loyalty to duke Adolf and a fierce opponent to Burgundy interference in Guelders'
policies.
In the meantime, the Burgundy forces had reached Mook on the 28th of June. From there they
pushed further north in the direction of Nijmegen and set up camp near the House
Dukenburg. From this place Charles the Bold was to lead the siege of Nijmegen. But this
was not his only task as the normal governmental duties also claimed his attention. Thus,
in his temporary Dukenburg residence the duke received the ambassadors of, amongst others,
the Holy See, Venice and Hungary. Charles' ally duke Johan I of Cleves, assisted by his
brother Adolf of Ravenstein, pitched his tents in Lent, so that Nijmegen was completely
isolated on its North (river Waal) flank.
On the third of July Nijmegen was completely surrounded by the Burgundy forces and thus
the siege had begun. Van Berchen mentions that three hundred women were present in the
camp 'for the use of the army'. They were paid five cents per day. It is not difficult to
guess why the women were in the camp and for what tasks they received their daily payment.
Nijmegen under fire
Having completely surrounded the town, the Cleves and Burgundy troops started bombarding
Nijmegen day and night with all kinds of projectiles. The Burgundy duke disposed of a
crack regiment of 500 English archers, lent to him by his ally and brother-in-law Edward
IV of England. On the 9th of July these men succeeded in climbing and occupying the
Nieuwstad gate. This gate, which no longer exists, opened up on to the quay of the Waal
river off the present Voerweg. The English had already planted their banners on the tower
and, at first, the defenders were in complete confusion. But they regained control over
their actions and, led by commander Gijsbert van Wisch and putting their trust in God and
their city patron saint St. Steven, they launched themselves like roaring lions into the
fray and counterattacked the English with burning faggots soaked in pitch and phosphor,
with quicklime and with other projectiles made by the Nijmegen women. The English
commander and six of his men had their throats slit by the Nijmegen force. The other
attackers were forced to give up their occupation of the gate, and several of them died as
a result of the wounds inflicted on them. The Nijmegen defenders lost only three men.
As a result of the successful defensive action a rumour went round in the Burgundy camp
that there were at least 9000 troops in the besieged city, an unlikely number seeing that
the then Nijmegen population consisted of some 10000 inhabitants. However this may be, the
Burgundy troops did not make any further attempts to storm the gates or the walls, but
contented themselves with continuously bombarding the Hezelpoort and the Molenpoort gates
and the stretch of wall between them in an effort to weaken it. From the other bank of the
Waal river the Cleves troops meanwhile bombarded the Kraanpoort. The Molenpoort with its
twin towers was in danger of collapsing under the pounding bombardment. In order to
prevent it from toppling over into the moat in front of it and filling it up with its
rubble, the Nijmegen forces with thick ropes pulled the weakened gate into the town, thus
saving the town from worse.
Van Berchen praises the men and women who defended their city day and night, sowing death
and destruction among the besiegers and refused to listen to appeals from the Burgundy and
Cleves sides to give up their struggle and surrender.
 In
order to strengthen the fighting spirit of the defenders, so the story goes, Adolf's five
year old son Charles was drawn into the fight. Charles and his nine year old sister
Philippa were in the Valkhof Castle. According to van Berchen the besiegers had been given
the instruction not to bombard the castle. For Charles the Bold was their uncle and he set
great store by getting them into his hands unharmed. The Nijmegen commander Reinier van
Broeckhuysen is said to have ordered a blacksmith to forge a harness for the little
Charles and to have put him on a horse armed with a bow and arrows. Thus he was paraded
along the city walls in the heat of the battle and "the ardour of the besieged was
enhanced to such a degree by the sight of their future sovereign, that they drove back the
enemy with great loss", as we can read in the report by the Guelders historian I.A.
Nijhoff (1795-1863). (Illustration: Lithography by L.C. van Kesteren, 1854. In the
collection of the Museum Het Valkhof. Click on the picture for an enlargement).
Barefooted, Bareheaded and on their knees
The Nijmegen morale, however, was under pressure, as outside aid from the other Guelders
towns was not forthcoming. To their utter astonishment the besieged defenders had to watch
from their battlements how bargemen from Tiel and Zaltbommel brought supplies to the
besiegers. Into the bargain, the promised help from Arnhem and Zutphen did not come. For
this reason, the Nijmegen defenders in the end decided to give up their defence and asked
duke Johan of Cleves to mediate for them with Charles the Bold. Duke Johan conceded and
set out for Charles the Bold's army camp in Dukenburg on the 18th of July. Two days later
a peace treaty was signed and Nijmegen submitted to the duke of Burgundy. Part of the deal
was that the Nijmegen population and those living in the Nijmegen district had to pay 80
000 guilders damages to Charles the Bold in three years' time, which was a gigantic amount
of money in those days. As a formal sign of surrender and submission the forty most
prominent inhabitants of the town had to submit to a most degrading ritual. They had to
proceed to their conquerer's tent barefooted, bareheaded and on their knees in order to
ensure him, seated on his throne there, of their, and their town's, submission and
devotion to him. The defenders also had to hand in all their arms and projectiles. All the
bullets that had been fired at the town by the besiegers had to be gathered by the
inhabitants.
On the 22nd of July Charles entered the town and had himself inaugurated by the assembled
Nijmegen inhabitants, seated at a balcony window of the Adelaar (Eagle) Inn at the great
market place. Shortly after he set up his quarters in the castle which had survived the
bombardments unscathed. There, Charles took his little nephew Charles and niece Philippa
under his wing. A short time after, the two children, were to be brought to Artois in
order to forget their mother tongue and their fatherland, as van Berchen informs us. Only
Charles was to see his fatherland again, be it only in 1492, when he was sworn in as duke
of Guelders.
The defeated town of Nijmegen was treated relatively mildly by its conqueror. The
fortifications and ramparts were left intact, the inhabitants' properties were not
confiscated, and the town was not ransacked. Charles the Bold was so impressed by the
military capacities of the Nijmegen commander Reinier van Broeckhuysen that he offered him
an important post in his army. Reinier must have suppressed his anti-Burgundy sentiments,
for he accepted the offer. There were a large number of dead and wounded among the
besiegers. A number of those killed in the battle were buried in Cleves soil, in or near
the church of Kranenburg. In this church we can still find a memorial slab of a Burgundy
stable hand who died on the 25th of July 1473, most likely as a result of the injuries he
suffered during the siege of Nijmegen. Written sources tell us that more besiegers were
buried in the Kranenburg church but their graves have disappeared. We do not know anything
about the numbers of dead and wounded at the Nijmegen side, except for the three defenders
killed during the attack on the Nieuwstadspoort.
A street name as only remembrance
On the 28th of July Charles the Bold left for Griethausen in order to cross the Rhine
there and conquer the northernmost parts of the duchy of Guelders. After the defeat of the
powerful Nijmegen, the still unoccupied Guelders towns did not have the courage to resist
Charles the Bold and therefore the latter could complete his occupation of Guelders in a
short time. The Burgundy occupation of Guelders came to a temporary end when Charles was
killed in January 1477 at Nancy and the unpopular Burgundy bureaucrats in power fled the
duchy head over heels, in fear of their life. The proud and stubborn imperial city was
soon to play the first violin again in the duchy of Guelders. With the exception of a
street name there is nothing in the town that reminds us of the three fearful weeks the
Nijmegen inhabitants had to pass in 1473. Since the end of the 19th century the Van
Broeckhuysen street in the city centre has kept the memory alive of the bold commander who
led the heroic resistance of Nijmegen against the Burgundy conquerors. How many
inhabitants of Nijmegen will be aware of this when they pass through the Van Broeckhuysen
street?
Biography of Reinier van Broeckhuysen: Biografisch Woordenboek Gelderland deel 4,
Hilversum 2004, pp 41-44
From: J. Kuys (ed.), Voorschot op de Nijmeegse Stadsgeschiedenis (Towards a
Nijmegen Local History), brochure written to sponsor the Nijmegen Local History
Foundation.
(Translation: Gerard Willems).
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